Teaching Bias, Part 2

Before continuing, please read Part 1 of this article.

Since people are usually not aware of their nonverbal behavior, nonverbal bias is a common feature of everyday life. As a result, families and friends routinely teach children racial and ethnic preferences without intending to. These biases are also taught through the mass media. A 2009 series of studies by Max Weisbuch and his colleagues, done with college students, demonstrates the teaching of implicit racial bias by television.

These researchers recorded 90 10-sec segments from 11 popular television programs in which White characters interacted with either White or Black targets. The clips were edited to eliminate the soundtrack and to mask the White or Black target to whom the character was talking. Twenty-three judges rated how positively the targets were treated. The (unseen) White targets were perceived as being treated more favorably than the (unseen) Black targets. This study established the existence of nonverbal racial bias on television. It seems unlikely that the actors and directors of these programs were aware that they were transmitting bias. These 11 shows had an average weekly audience of 9 million people.

The remaining studies were designed to test whether nonverbal race bias affects the viewer. In the second study, the 11 programs in Study 1 were scored according to the amount of race bias in the clips. The participants were asked which of these programs they watched regularly. It was found that watchers of the more biased programs showed a greater preference for Whites on the Implicit Association Test (IAT), a standard measure of implicit racial bias. (See this previous post for an explanation of the IAT.)

Since this is a correlational study, it does not demonstrate that exposure to biased programs causes prejudiced attitudes. An alternative explanation is that viewers prefer TV programs that reinforce their pre-existing attitudes. The remaining two studies, however, were true experiments in which participants were randomly assigned to be exposed to different televised content.

In these two experiments, participants were shown one of two silent videos constructed from clips used in Study 1. The pro-White tape featured White targets receiving positive nonverbal signals and Black targets being treated more negatively. The pro-Black tape featured favorable treatment of Black targets and unfavorable treatment of Whites. The participants were then tested for implicit racial bias. In Study 3, the IAT was used as the measure of bias. As expected, those who had seen the pro-White video showed a greater preference for Whites than those who had seen the pro-Black video.

Study 4 involved a different measure of implicit racial bias, an affective priming task. This task measures whether subliminal exposure to photos of White and Black faces speeds up the recognition of positive or negative images. Subliminal means below the level of awareness. Photos are presented on a computer so quickly that they are not consciously perceived. Nevertheless, they influence behavior. The premise, well established through previous research, is that you respond more quickly to an image if it is preceded by another that elicits a similar emotional response. Therefore, if you are subliminally exposed to a photo of a liked person, you can recognize a positive object, i.e., a puppy, more quickly, while exposure to a disliked person allows you to identify a negative object, i.e., a rattlesnake, more quickly.

This experiment was strengthened by some additional controls not present in Study 3. In addition to pro-White and pro-Black videos, there was a race-neutral control video. Photos of White, Black and Asian-Americans were used as subliminal primes. The results are shown below.

A higher number on the vertical axis indicates a faster response to that prime. The people who had seen the pro-White video showed faster positive associations to White faces (compared to Black faces), while those who had seen the pro-Black video showed faster positive associations to Black faces (compared to White faces). The control video had the same effect on both Black and White associations. Asian faces had no priming effect.

The studies cited in these posts make it clear that we don’t have to be explicitly taught to like or dislike members of different racial or ethnic groups. Our social environment contains nonverbal cues which encourage the reproduction of prejudice and discrimination from one generation to the next.

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