Tag Archives: pain relief

Popping Placebos

The greatest wonder drug we know about is the placebo. A placebo is an inert substance, such as a sugar pill, that has no direct physiological effect. Placebos can cause research participants to report improvements in a variety of physical and mental conditions. For this reason, tests of the effectiveness of new drugs or medical treatments must include not only treatment and no treatment conditions but also a placebo condition. While the size of placebo effects varies, placebos can account for well over half the difference between treatment and no treatment groups, especially with subjective outcomes such as pain or depression. Placebo effects are part of a broader class of self-fulfilling prophecies in which the expectation that some event will occur sets in motion processes that result it actually occurring.

Placebo effects are often underestimated, since clinical trials seldom use active placebos. An active placebo is one that has a noticeable physiological effect that is irrelevant to the condition being measured. It is used to convince patients that they are receiving a real drug rather than a placebo. Of course, if they figure out that they are getting a placebo, they may not expect to improve and have, in effect, reassigned themselves to a no treatment condition. Studies show that active placebos are more effective than passive or inert placebos.

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A new study by Kate Faasse and her colleagues in Health Psychology shows how subtle placebo effects can be. The participants were 81 New Zealand undergraduates who reported frequent headaches. They were given four doses of medication to treat their next four headaches. Two of them were labeled “Nurofen,” a common New Zealand brand name, while the other two were labeled “generic ibuprofin.” Within each of these conditions, one dose was active ibuprofin while the other was a placebo. Therefore, the study contained four conditions: branded active, generic active, branded placebo and generic placebo. To avoid order effects, each participant was asked to use the drugs in an assigned random order.

The students filled out a standard 6-point pain scale before taking each pill and again one hour later. Results showed that real ibuprofin reduced pain more than the placebo did. When participants received ibuprofin, it was equally effective no matter how it was labeled. However, the branded placebo was more effective in relieving pain than the generic placebo. In fact, branded placebos did not differ in effectiveness from real ibuprofin. Apparently these college students mistakenly believed brand-named drugs are more effective than generics.

This experiment had a within-subjects design; that is, participants received all four treatments in random order. This increases the statistical power of the data analysis, but it creates other problems. It allows the participants to compare the four conditions to one another. They probably assumed the researchers were comparing the effectiveness of brand name and generic headache remedies. It’s not clear to me whether the greater reported pain relief in the branded placebo condition was due to participants’ faith in brand names or their guess about what the researchers hoped to find.

This study is similar to an experiment by Alberto Espay and others published earlier this year. Twelve people with “moderate to severe” Parkinson’s disease were given two different placebos—two identical injections of a saline solution—in random order. They were told that one of them was an expensive new drug costing $1500 per dose, while the other cost only $100 per dose. Before and after each injection, participants completed three tests of motor skills used to measure the severity of Parkinson’s disease. While both placebos improved performance on the tests, the expensive placebo was more effective than the cheaper one.

Research shows that placebos can cause real, measurable physiological changes in the brain. Some have attributed the placebo effect to classical conditioning, in which the physiological response to effective drugs is generalized to ineffective ones such as placebos. However, the present results would seem to require a cognitive explanation. Classical conditioning also has difficulty explaining placebo effects that don’t involve habitual behaviors, such as the pain relief and increased mobility reported by patients who received sham knee surgery!

The effectiveness of placebos raises ethical questions. Should doctors be permitted to prescribe placebos? Since telling patients they are getting a placebo would reduce–but not completely eliminate–its effectiveness, should they be allowed to conceal from patients the fact that their treatment is a placebo? How much is our society willing to tolerate willful deception of patients by health care providers? (How much does it tolerate already?)

A literal reading of the results of these two studies suggests not only that doctors should prescribe placebos, but also that expensive placebos are more effective than cheaper ones. How much should drug companies and health care providers be allowed to charge for placebos? Of course, given what we know about placebos, the American public is already paying a considerable sum for both prescription and over-the-counter drugs whose effectiveness is partially or completely explained by the placebo effect.

You may also be interested in reading:

Asian-American Achievement as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecy

Outrage

I run across a new study documenting discrimination against a minority group—usually African-Americans—almost every day. They are so commonplace that I seldom write about them, even though I know the cumulative effect of discrimination is devastating to its victims. However, since most of these studies are not controlled experiments, critics can usually offer alternative explanations that blame the victim. For example, if we find that black kids are expelled from schools at a much higher rate than white kids, a critic can always charge that they misbehave more often or that their misbehavior is more serious. While it’s sometimes possible to collect additional data that makes these explanations unlikely, they are hard to refute definitively.

I don’t think that reservation applies to a recent study by Dr. Monika Goyal and her colleagues in the Journal of the American Medical Association. It involves willingness to prescribe pain medication to black and white children suffering with appendicitis.

The data come from the National Hospital Ambulatory Medical Care Survey, a national probability survey of visits to hospital emergency departments between 2003 and 2010. The unwitting participants were about 940,000 children (mean age = 13.5) admitted with a diagnosis of appendicitis. The children were categorized as white, black or other. The main outcome measure was whether they received analgesic medication for their pain, and if so whether it was an opiate—generally acknowledged to be more effective—or a nonopiate, such as ibuprofen or acetaminophen. The effects of several control variables were statistically removed before analyzing the data: age, gender, ethnicity, triage acuity level, insurance status, geographic region, type of emergency department, year, and (most importantly) pain score on the 10-point Stanford Pain Scale.

Overall, 56.8% of the children received some type of pain medication and 41.3% received at least one opiate. These percentages are lower than is medically recommended. Not surprisingly, the higher the pain score, the greater the likelihood of receiving an analgesic.

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The table shows the distribution of analgesia by race, holding pain level constant. The black-white difference in receiving any analgesia was not statistically significant; however, whites were more likely to receive a more effective opioid analgesic than blacks reporting the same pain level. (In case you were wondering, the analysis of ethnicity showed no significant discrimination against Hispanics.)

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The data were further analyzed by looking at different levels of pain. Severe pain was defined as between “7” and “10” on the pain scale, while moderate pain was between “4” and “6.” Black and white children in severe pain were equally likely to get some pain medication, but whites were more likely to get opiates. Greater discrimination occurred among children with moderate pain. Black children were not only less likely to get opiates, they were also less likely to get anything at all. In other words, there are higher thresholds for both treating black children for pain, and for treating their pain with opiates.

The authors point out that previous ER studies have found that blacks of all ages and with various medical conditions were less likely to receive analgesics, but these studies can be explained away with victim-blaming rationalizations. For example, it was proposed that, since blacks were less likely to have health insurance, they used the emergency room for less serious conditions. However, all of these children had the same illness its severity was held constant. It has also been proposed that doctors are less willing to trust black patients with opiates due stereotypes about drug misuse. However, the current study did not involve prescriptions, and none of these children were sent home. Presumably, they all received appendectomies as soon as possible.

Since this study was published, it has been suggested that the findings reflect hospital policies rather than decisions by individual doctors. Maybe inner city hospitals that serve a higher percentage of black patients discourage their doctors from prescribing analgesics, especially opiates. It probably doesn’t matter to these kids whether they are denied pain relief by a person with a stethoscope or a person in a suit, although these two hypotheses do suggest different remedies.

In trying to understand this finding, I find myself drawn to some of the most depressing studies in all of social psychology—those involving dehumanization. Dehumanization refers to perceiving and treating another person as non-human—for example, as if he or she were an animal. Dehumanization is sometimes invoked as an explanation for extreme abuses, such as enslavement, torture and genocide. Ordinarily, when you see children in pain, you want to relieve their suffering if possible. Failure to do so suggests dehumanization of the victim. Studies show what appears to be dehumanization of black children (relative to white children) as early as age 10.

Social psychologist Jennifer Eberhardt and her colleagues have done studies suggesting that among white Americans, there is an unconscious association between black people and apes (called the “Negro-ape metaphor.”) To understand her studies, you must know about subliminal priming. A subliminal stimulus is an image presented very rapidly, below the threshhold of awareness. Studies show that subliminal primes improve the recognition of objects in the same or similar categories. Eberhardt has found that subliminally priming participants with images of black people improves their ability to recognize pictures of apes, and vice versa.

In one of her studies, participants were subliminally primed with images of either apes or large cats (lions, tigers, etc.) and shown a video of a policeman severely beating a suspect who they were informed was either black or white. Participants primed with ape images were more likely to see the beating of the black man as justified. This did not occur when they were primed with images of big cats, or when the suspect was said to be white.

Eberhardt did a content analysis of news articles showing that reporters were more likely to use ape metaphors when referring to convicted black murderers than convicted white murderers. Furthermore, those killers described as apelike were more likely to be executed by the state.

I suspect that dehumanization is one cause of the greater willingness of police to shoot and kill black suspects than white suspects in similar situations. Philip Atiba Goff and his colleagues were able to test police officers from a large urban department. The researchers had anonymous access to their personnel files, including their previous uses of force. The more strongly the officers associated black people with apes, the more frequently they had used force against black children, relative to children of other races, during their careers.

The destroyers are merely men enforcing the whims of our country, correctly interpreting its heritage and legacy. But all our phrasing—race relations, racial chasm, racial justice, racial profiling, white privilege, even white supremacy—serves to obscure that racism is a visceral experience, that it dislodges brains, blocks airways, rips muscle, extracts organs, cracks bones, breaks teeth. You must never look away from this. You must always remember that the sociology, the history, the economics, the graphs, the charts, the regressions all land, with great violence, on the body.

Ta-Nehisi Coates, Between the World and Me (p. 10)

Anonymous e-mail circulated among Florida Republicans
Anonymous e-mail circulated among Florida Republicans

It might also be a good idea to take a closer look at those political cartoons depicting President Obama as an ape.

We can only hope the publication of the Goyal study in such a prominent medical journal shames the profession into correcting this type of discrimination against black children. It is unacceptable.